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　　Europe Charlemagne A democratic nightmare

　　欧洲 查理曼大帝 一个民主化的梦魇

　　Seeking to confront the rise of Eurosceptics and fillthe democratic deficit

　　根治疑欧主义，弥补民主缺陷

　　TO ITS critics the European union     was born in sin: aproject devised by and for the elites, lackingdemocratic legitimacy.

　　许多评论家认为欧盟生而有罪：掌权者为掌权者设计的规划，缺少了民主合法性。

　　All attempts to make good the “democratic deficit”, a term coined in the 1970s, have failed.

　　“民主逆差” 一词是上世纪七十年代发明的一个术语，而如今所有想弥补民主逆差的尝试均以失败告终。

　　Direct elections to the European Parliament (EP)?

　　欧盟议会(欧议)将直选?

　　Turnout has fallen ever since they were instituted in 1979.

　　与会人数比1979年欧盟议会刚成立的时候还少。

　　Give the assembly real power?

　　是否应该给这些人实权?

　　The parliament has never had more clout, yet trust in the EU is at an all-time low.

　　议会的影响力早已式微，而且欧盟的信任度已降至历史最低点。

　　Europe's economic crisis is making this chronic problem acute.

　　欧洲的经济危机让这个“慢性”的问题转为了“急性”。

　　One reason is that, particularly in the euro zone,Brusselsis intruding ever deeper into nationallife, meddling in everything from budgets to pensions and wage-setting.

　　原因有一，尤其是在欧元区，欧盟正在过多的入侵国民生活，从预算到养老金再到工资设定。

　　Another reason is the expected backlash from voters in next May's election to the EP.

　　原因二就是明年五月欧盟议会大选中预期内的选民强烈反对。

　　There will be big gains for anti-EU and anti-immigrant parties of all colours—from the sharp-tongued nativists of the UK Independence Party to the thuggish neo-Nazis of Golden Dawn inGreece.

　　这对于各阵营的反欧盟和反移民组织来说都将收获颇丰，包括英国独立党内尖刻的本土主义者，以及希腊金色黎明党内蛮横的新纳粹分子。

　　Eurosceptic parties could top the polls in France,Britainand the Netherlands; they will do wellinFinland and Italy;

　　在法国，英国和荷兰，疑欧政党可能位居民调榜首;在芬兰和意大利也会有不俗战绩;

　　and in milder guise they could win seats for the first time in Germany.

　　保守估计，他们甚至都能首次在德国赢得席位。

　　The sense of alarm is palpable.

　　这样的警钟可谓显而易见。

　　Franois Hollande, the French president, says the rise of nationalists and Eurosceptics wouldbring “regression and paralysis”.

　　法国总统奥朗德表示说，民族主义和疑欧主义的抬头会带来“倒退和瘫痪”。

　　Enrico Letta,Italy's prime minister, reckons Eurosceptics could win up to a third of the seats.

　　意大利前总理莱塔估计疑欧主义者将赢得高达三分之一的席位。

　　Radicals and populists are a disparate bunch, preferring to give speeches than influence policy,so centrists should still be able to get parliamentary business done.

　　激进派和民粹派也是各自心怀鬼胎，相对于影响政治他们还是更喜欢发表演说，所以中立派还有可能把议会的琐事处理完毕。

　　Perhaps the bigger influence will be the poisoning of domestic politics, which would hamperdecision-making by governments.

　　而更深远的影响可能成为国内政治的毒瘤，而这颗毒瘤已牢牢束缚了政府决策。

　　How to respond?

　　如何应对?

　　Mr Letta is among those who want to galvanise pro-European forces by turning the Europeanelection into a contest for the next president of the European Commission.

　　莱塔是想要用欧委会下一任主席一职的选举刺激拥欧力量的人之一。

　　The main European political “families”, the broad coalitions of national parties that dominateparliament, say they will each campaign behind a “presidential” candidate.

　　欧洲政治的主要方面就是“家庭”，主导议会的国家政党间的广泛联盟称，他们将逐个参加主席的竞选。

　　The Socialists seem likely to choose Martin Schulz, the feisty German president of the EP.

　　社会党似乎倾向舒兹，那个在欧盟议会中相当活跃的德国总统。

　　The greens plan an open primary.

　　绿党计划举行开放式选举。

　　The conservatives, likely to remain the biggest grouping, still seem to be in a quandary.

　　保守党可能保留最大的分组，似乎还在左右为难。

　　Advocates hope to inject excitement, strengthen the commission's democratic mandate,focus the contest on European issues, and raise the stakes to avoid the ballot turning into aprotest against unpopular national governments.

　　支持者希望加强委员会的民主授权，把注意力放在欧洲问题上，为防止投票演变成一场针对不得人心的政府的抗议示威，他们提高了风险等级。

　　Unless there is some blood-and-guts politics, they say, citizens will turn to populists.

　　他们说，除非能出台一些动真格的政策，不然市民就会投靠民粹的阵营。

　　And yet the EU is not a country, and the commission is not a government.

　　虽然欧盟不是一个国家，委员会也不是一个政府。

　　It has the near-exclusive right to propose new legislation, to be approved by both the Councilof Ministers (representing governments) and the EP.

　　但却拥有近乎全部的权力来提出新法案，同时获得内阁(代表政府)和欧盟议会的同意。