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　　但这一方法言易于行。英国政治家常对拉票人约束甚多。同时，在雇佣和培养专业管理人员的资金上也是捉襟见肘。曾担任奥巴马数字通信小组的英国人Matthew McGregor表示，“组织美国”(Organising forAmerica，译者注：奥巴马当政后成立的政治宣传计划)这一网络的建立需要人们“有出资的意愿”，而这一意愿在英国政府中十分少见。保守党评论员Paul Goodman补充道，在确定候选人与组织地区活动的同时，时间不断流逝，“和人们喝喝茶显得相当重要。”

　　If the campaigners are the limbs of the Obama model, a good data system is the brain. Itenables campaign supremos to target tailored messages at precisely the right voters. Of theBritish parties, the Liberal Democrats are farthest ahead technologically. In 2011 they boughtthe snazzy Voter Activation Network used by the Obama campaign, which enables users togenerate finely customised lists of voter contact details. Sadly, the party has little rawinformation—and too few canvassers with which to obtain it. The other parties are hurriedlyupgrading their systems.

　　在奥巴马竞选模式中，如果说拉票人构成其四肢的话，完备的信息管理系统就是其大脑。通过该系统，竞选人可将合适的信息准确无误地传达给选民。在英国，自由民主党在技术上遥遥领先于其他各党。2011年，该党购置了奥巴马竞选时曾使用的“选民活化网络”(Voter Activation Network)这一时髦货，为其准确地生成了各个选民详细联系方式的特制列表。但可惜的是，该党的一手信息不足，并缺乏为其收集信息的宣传人员。而其他党派则忙着革新自己的竞选系统。

　　The Conservatives enjoy the healthiest balance-sheet, although it is footling by Americanpresidential standards. According to the Electoral Commission, the party has out-fundraisedLabour in three of the past four quarters. Its debts are much smaller and its finances lessreliant on unpredictable trade union     bosses. This makes it easier to invest in staff andtechnology: the Tories have already recruited three waves of campaign managers for 2015.

　　尽管以美国选举标准看来，英国保守党的收支盈余不值一提，但其收支状况在英国各党派中确实最为良好。美国选举委员会(Electoral Commission)曾表示，该党在过去四个季度中有三个季度的募资数额要高过工党。保守党的负债相对少得多，财政上也不太依赖那些飘忽不定的工会主席。因此，保守党更易于人员和技术上进行投资：该党已为2015年国会选举雇佣的三批竞选管理者。

　　Along with the other parties, the Tories are concerned at their over-reliance on the(admittedly deep) well of donations from wealthy folk and institutions. Politicians are thereforelooking covetously at Mr Obama’s extensive network. In the 2012 campaign, the presidentdrew on a much broader pool of 4m small donors. Mr McGregor insists that, with time, anequivalent British donor base of up to 1m is eminently achievable; others scoff at that.

　　但与其他党派一样，保守党对于资金上过度依赖(不可否认依赖极深)富庶的个人或团体捐赠一事深感忧虑。因此，英国政治家们开始把贪婪的目光转向奥巴马采用更广泛的网络媒体。2012年美国大选中，奥巴马总统募集到了大笔经费，400万的赠款相比之下九牛一毛。McGregor还表示，在本次英国竞选中，英国类似地筹集到100万以上经费，这显然不难做到;但其他人对此嗤之以鼻。

　　As they rush to emulate American methods, British party operatives acknowledge afundamental difference. In America, the personality of the top candidate infuses thecampaign. It is used to energise supporters, court donations and unite a sprawling operation.In Britain the same tech-savvy, decentralised structures are being used quite differently: to winover an electorate that loathes national politicians. The Liberal Democrats plan to fight “75 by-elections” precisely because their role in the coalition—personified by Nick Clegg—is sounpopular. Even David Cameron, the most appealing of the three main party leaders, hasbeen conspicuously absent from recent Tory election literature. Whereas presidentialcandidates must insert national politics into voters’ lives, Westminster’s unloved politiciansbenefit from keeping the two separate.

　　就在英国各党纷纷急于效仿美国式竞选时，其成员也承认两者存在根本上的差异。美国的竞选领袖可将人格魅力渗入竞选之中。以此可博得支持、换来资金，并能统一杂乱无章的拉票活动。而在英国，这一同样技术精良而分散各地的系统在功能上截然不同，其目的是从厌恶政府的选民那里赢得支持。以克莱格(Nick Clegg)副首相为代表的自由民主党由于在联合政府缺乏民意支持，因此打算瞄准本次“75个补缺选举名额”。就连三大党派领袖中最具人气的卡梅隆(David Cameron)首相，显然也在近期的保守党竞选活动中毫无动静。尽管候选人必须使国家政治深入选民心中，但英国这些不受欢迎的政治家们反而从政民分离中得利。